anarchydica.net


Ermanno friendica (AP) (via DFRN)

Gentoo Offers Up New Easy Kernel Options


Gentoo Linux is looking to improve the kernel maintenance experience by offering up Ebuilds that make it easier to maintain the kernel through the package manager -- including prebuilt binary kernels...
https://www.phoronix.com/scan.php?page=news_item&px=Gentoo-New-Kernel-Options

Your Wednesday Briefing

Coronavirus in Europe, Israeli-Gulf deal, Aleksei Navalny: Here’s what you need to know.
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/15/briefing/your-wednesday-briefing.html

Britain’s Foreign Secretary Visiting Washington at an Awkward Juncture

Dominic Raab is arriving just as his government is taking steps in Brexit talks that could jeopardize a free-trade deal with the United States.
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/15/world/europe/britain-dominic-raab-us-trip.html

Baños declara com a investigat per no haver respost les preguntes de Vox al judici del procés elpuntavui.cat/politica/artic…

Ermanno friendica (AP) (via DFRN)

‘We can do it!’: EU chief announces 55% emissions reduction target for 2030


European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced plans on Wednesday (16 September) to target a 55% cut in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 as part of a broader European Green Deal programme aimed at reaching "climate neutrality" by mid-century.
https://www.euractiv.com/section/climate-environment/news/we-can-do-it-eu-chief-announces-55-emissions-reduction-target-for-2030/

Das Buch von @_pietz_@twitter.com & mir gibt’s ab sofort in der 6. Auflage. 🤗
Screenshot vom Amazon-Buchbestelltext
mal ne Doofe frage.. Aber was genau ändert sich so oft an einem Buch das es schon die sechsten Auflage ist? Oder ist das einfach nur der sechste Schwung an Büchern die in bulk gedruckt etc wurden? 🙈😀


- Mysterious, Sudden Mass Die-Off in The US Could Be Killing Millions of Birds -


- # - The # in # # and # # - # -


The Search for Life on Venus Could Start With Rocket Lab

Rocket Lab may be able to send a small spacecraft to probe the clouds of Venus long before NASA or other space agencies are able to do so.
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/15/science/venus-life-rocketlab.html

Friedenschance oder Auslöser für weitere Spannungen? Die Palästinenser sind außer sich über das Abkommen zwischen Israel, Bahrain und der VAE. Noch während der Unterzeichnung feuerten militante Palästinenser Raketen auf Israel. Von B. Hammer.

A Job That Isn’t Hard to Get in a Pandemic: Swindlers’ Unwitting Helper

Criminals are increasingly using people like Denise Newton to move their money, just as many have lost their jobs and are vulnerable.
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/09/15/technology/money-mules-fraud-pandemic.html

"OnlyFans ist für mich pure Selbstbestimmung"

Bild/Foto

Yma Nowak verdient ihr Geld auf OnlyFans, wo User sich ihre Nacktfotos für ein Monatsabo ansehen können. Damit will sie als dicke Woman of Color, wie Yma sich selbst bezeichnet, Tabus brechen.

Das erste Mal, als Yma Louisa sich nackt im Netz gezeigt hat, war unfreiwillig. Ihr damaliger Ex-Freund lud ein Nacktfoto von ihr ohne ihre Zustimmung hoch, erzählt die 22-Jährige. Erst sei sie komplett überfordert gewesen, habe das Bild dann aber selbst aktiv verbreitet. "Im Nachhinein war es das Beste, was mir passieren konnte."

Yma postet Nacktfotos auf OnlyFans und verdient so Geld



Heute veröffentlicht Yma Louisa regelmäßig Nacktfotos von sich. Auf OnlyFans können Menschen ein Monatsabo abschließen, um diese Bilder zu sehen. Etwa 250 Menschen zahlen für ihren Content 15 Dollar im Monat. Darunter seien Leute, die laut Yma "voyeur-mäßig" schauen wollen, wie sie ohne Klamotten aussieht.

Es gäbe aber auch Menschen, die privaten Kontakt suchen, so Yma. Manche würden ihr gerne beim Masturbieren zuschauen. "Wenn ich Lust darauf habe, dann habe ich eigentlich keine Tabus und gehe auch auf die Wünsche ein", sagt die Berlinerin. Für sie zählt, dass die Person respektvoll auf sie zugeht und sie nicht zum Objekt macht.
"Es sollte nie etwas passieren, ohne dass man es wirklich möchte."
Yma Louisa über Grenzen und Tabus

Yma kann von OnlyFans sehr gut leben, wie sie selbst sagt – und das seit dem ersten Nutzungsmonat: "Ich habe es aus Spaß angefangen, und nicht, weil Geld im Vordergrund stand – und plötzlich hatte ich 2000 Euro auf meinem Account." Heute verdient sie zwischen 1500 und 5000 Euro im Monat. Inzwischen ist das Ymas Hauptberuf, vorher hat sie als Redakteurin gearbeitet.

Yma ist auch auf Instagram aktiv, wo sie mehr als 20.000 Follower hat. Wegen ihrer freizügigen Bilder wird sie dort "permanent gesperrt", sagt die Berlinerin. "Deswegen habe ich eine Alternative gesucht." OnlyFans ist für sie quasi eine erweiterte Instagram-Funktion – "nur noch ein bisschen nackter, und damit kann ich auch noch zusätzlich Geld zu verdienen."
"Wenn OnlyFans genauso viele Leute benutzen würden, dann würde ich Instagram gar nicht mehr nutzen."
Yma Louisa

Neben den finanziellen Vorteilen ist OnlyFans für Yma aber auch eine Möglichkeit, Empowerment zu zeigen. "Ich bin nicht nur eine sexuelle Frau, sondern zusätzlich auch eine dicke Frau", beschreibt die 22-Jährige.

Dass eine dicke Frau ihre Sexualität zur Schau stellt, sei in der Gesellschaft immer noch nicht erwünscht, so Yma. Deswegen ist es für Yma eine Form von Selbstermächtigung, "dass ich mich selbst darstellen kann, ohne mich verstellen zu müssen, ohne gesperrt zu werden."

Externer Inhalt
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Ymas Eltern stehen ihrem Content kritisch gegenüber, sagt sie: "Sie verstehen auch nicht den Aspekt der Selbstbestimmung." Dafür bekommt sie viel Unterstützung aus ihrem Freundeskreis.

Für die Position, dass an OnlyFans nichts selbstermächtigend, sondern es schlicht und weg eine sexuelle Dienstleistung sei, zeigt Yma Verständnis. "Es ist auch in gewissem Maße Prostitution", sagt sie. "Aber es wird eben auch oft vergessen, dass Prostitution freiwillig geschehen kann."

Prostitution als Selbstermächtigung


Das heiße nicht, dass für alle Menschen Prostitution selbstermächtigend sei, stellt Yma klar – für sie sei es aber so. "Für mich persönlich ist das nicht das intimste von mir, mich so zu zeigen. Für mich ist es viel intimer, mich mit jemandem lange zu unterhalten." Das macht sie bei OnlyFans nicht. "Die kennen nur meinen Körper."
"Ich glaube, dass das immer noch ein großes Tabu-Thema ist – dass sich Frauen freiwillig gerne nackt zeigen."
Yma Louisa

Yma hat laut eigener Aussage schon viele Anfragen aus der Porno-Industrie bekommen. Sie habe aber alle Angebote abgelehnt. "Das ist nicht so empowernd, wie wenn du alles selbst in der Hand hast", begründet die Berlinerin.

Yma glaubt, dass OnlyFans die Erotik-Branche revolutionieren kann, weil es eine "Bandbreite an Leuten gibt, die sich so zeigen können wie sie wollen." Während sie in der klassischen Porno-Industrie als "exotische" Frau in eine Schublade gesteckt werden würde, passiere das auf OnlyFans nicht, sagt Yma. "Bei OnlyFans bin das einfach ich."

Let's block ads! (Why?)
https://www.deutschlandfunknova.de/beitrag/sexarbeiterin-yma-louisa-onlyfans-ist-fuer-mich-pure-selbstbestimmung

Broschüre „Dunkelziffer unbekannt“ erschienen


Lektüre der Dunkelziffer bei“ Schöner leben ohne Nazis“ am 6. September 2020. Bildnachweis: Antirassistisches Register der ASH

Seit dem Frühjahr 2016 erscheint jährlich eine Ausgabe der „Dunkelziffer Unbekannt“.
Herausgeber_innen sind der AK Rechte Gewalt, die Antirassistische Registerstelle sowie der AStA der ASH Berlin.

Pünktlich zum Demokratiefest „Schöner leben ohne Nazis“ am 6. September halten wir die fünfte Ausgabe druckfrisch in den Händen und im Foyer sowie in der Bibliothek der ASH Berlin liegt sie zum Mitnehmen aus. Für alle, die aufgrund von Covid-19 nicht an die Hochschule können, kann sie hier auch im Homeoffice heruntergeladen und gelesen werden.

Weiterlesen

Der Beitrag Broschüre „Dunkelziffer unbekannt“ erschienen erschien zuerst auf Bündnis für Demokratie und Toleranz.


El debat de política general continua amb el torn de @sergisabria, d' @Esquerra_ERC # elpuntavui.cat/en-temps-real.… elpuntavui.cat/politica/artic…

Albiach demana a Torra que convoqui eleccions perquè Catalunya no pot tenir dos presidents “simbòlics” i cap d’efectiu elpuntavui.cat/politica/artic…

- A cancelled old RTS named 'Hard Vacuum' gets revived with OpenRA -

Bild/Foto

- # - A # of # # in # and # #. # # #, #, and # - # -



Kurz nach Einführung der Maskenpflicht hatte der Senat einen Bußgeldkatalog beschlossen und stärkere Kontrollen durch Polizei und Ordnungsämter angekündigt. Seit Anfang September hat auch die BVG eine Vielzahl von Verstößen geahndet.

Die "Embedded Video Engines" bekommen Familienzuwachs: Der Hersteller verspricht 50 Prozent schnelleres Arbeiten und Auflösungen bis 1200 × 800 Pixel.

Googles Videokommunikationsdienst Meet bekommt ein Hardware-Set für Konferenzräume. Die Series One Kits sind eine Zusammenarbeit mit Lenovo. # # # # #


Blaue Erdbeeren? Rote Ananas? Schwarze Bananen? Das kann man doch gar nicht nicht essen! Farben haben nicht nur Einfluss darauf, welche Nahrungsmittel wir wählen - sie steuern auch unsere Gefühle. # # # # # # # # # # #

Ermanno friendica (AP) (via DFRN)

What Does It Mean to Act White?


Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

This is part four in a series, you can read the rest here.

It is possible that the question we have been chasing in these articles has been the wrong one. We have been asking how white people can overcome their psychological and social hang-ups enough to address the issues of race and racism head on – socially, politically, and culturally. But perhaps the real question should have been how white people can disentangle themselves from the knots and webs of whiteness in which they have been thrust and are caught. These webs and knots allow white people to be used by white supremacy to put black people and others of color in thrall to the needs of white racialized society. The real (liberatory) question should be how white people can stop acting white.

What does “acting white” mean? White people act white when, in social situations, they single out the race of others or give it special attention. It doesn’t matter if the white person does it in an approving or patronizing or gratuitously hostile manner. The notice and naming of a product of white racializing activity serves to nourish the process of racialization upon which white racialized identity aggrandizes itself. It preempts whatever kind of autonomous self-identification the other person might have had in mind for themselves, thus coopting (aka speaking for) the other.

Acting white very often entails acting as if one knows what the other is going to say, or what the other is thinking, and overtly relating to that alleged (self-generated) “knowledge.” Usually, such things are done without thinking. But racialized “prior” knowledge is acquired from other white people, and not from the person to whom one is speaking. It is simply a way of preempting the other.

Acting white may involve seeing people of color as a threat. To act as if one is arbitrarily threatened by the other’s presence is itself a racializing act. If a white person may find themselves outnumbered by black people, they may try to be super respectful. But it often leads one to speak in a loud voice, and thus reveal that one is scared stiff.

In general, white people regulate their actions in mixed company in accord with their awareness of other white people, present or absent. That is, they choose scripts for different situations, tactics for the purpose of psychic stability in the moment. The existence of such scripts, easily detected when in use, simply testify to the artificial nature (pretension) of racism.

Most anti-racists have been saying that white people need to recognize the racism and white supremacy in themselves, and deal with that. Well and good. For some, that means rooting out their own prejudices. For others, it means understanding how they have absorbed racist attitudes from the surrounding white supremacist culture. Different “rootings-out” involve different transformations of consciousness because related to different intersections and mutual interactions of individual and institutional (systemic) influences. There is a dialectical conjunction between those two, how the individual lives out the systemic, and how the systemic enforces role models on the individual. If “rooting-out” sunders that dialectic by being therapeutic, whether through psychological or social process (making rules, for instance, to govern anti-racist behavior), it takes on the aura of a 12-step program.

Insofar as one’s internal rectification process, or the discarding of accumulated role models, is engaged from a stance of white orientation or identification, it leaves the core problem unaddressed, namely, the un-neutralized white subject position of the verb, “to racialize.” And that ability to be a racializer is part of the privilege of whiteness.

White people generally do not see themselves as either privileged or in the subject-position of a racialization process. That subject position lies at a cultural depth below the pragmatics of privilege or the choice of script. It lies in the unthinking modes of acting white.

The issue of justice is not an “issue”

In recent months, the issue of “acting white” and the issue of justice have been brought together. The injustice of torturing and killing people of color in public has brought the concept of justice to a new level in civilian consciousness, and attached it in a new way to how white society comports itself.

This is not to say that white society is in any way uniform. The injustice of killing and torturing is seen differently from the perspective of “white nationalism,” or white jurisprudence, or white anti-racism. While the first opposes equality (the prerequisite for “justice”) between black and white people as itself an injustice, the second reduced injustice to that for which there is objective evidence, and the third tends to limit its approach to justice to a Constitutional ethics. But both the “liberal” and the prosecutor, acting within our given trial processes, succeed in reducing the fate of people of color to a conflict of wits between white people (in a courtroom). All three valorize white racialized identity in their own way, as a result of which, the very concept of justice is racialized.

In the present system, it is not that there is one justice for white people, and one for people of color. Justice on both sides of the color line is basically a relation between white people. In short, though racialized, justice is only white justice. What divides the different forms of justice is not the color line but the line of brutality (a black man who inadvertently shot a white man (a cop) in Arkansas was just sentenced on Sept. 8, 2020, to two life terms and 835 years in prison – absurdity for the sake of destructive hatred).

In its present structure, the juridical model of contending sides (people vs. defendant) may be efficient with respect to a racialized concept of justice, but it could not coexist with equity as a precondition. Equity would require the community circle and forms of restorative justice, which would replace court procedures with something more dialogical and democratic.

Here again, we encounter a circle. It is one of a positive (inclusionary) rather than negative (exclusionary) kind. Justice is the foundation for community because it is the sign that there is equality in society, and thus equal participation in decision-making, which is the foundation of (restorative) justice.

How is one to discuss whiteness if the meanings of “justice” and equality can be so divided across the line of brutality (legality on one side, racialization on the other), with equality being only a pragmatic element in both (rather than an ethical principle)? How can a white person discuss racialization if the only terms available for use are coopted by racialization itself?

Oddly enough, we find a similar structure in the two party political system as we discern in racialized justice. In the US electoral system, only a few people are empowered (through election) to make decisions for others (whom they ostensibly represent). The system pretends to equality by affirming that all the represented have a vote. But insofar as democratic decision-making requires dialogue and participation by those who will be affected by the policy made, reduction of participation to the vote is a form of exclusion. As in racialized justice, the inequality in decision-making represents the seizure of an entire category of thought. To cover this up, the system pretends that all have an equal chance to be elected to decision-making positions, while forgetting to mention the funds required in a commodified economy.

In addition, the political system has given rise to its own form of racialization in the popular mind. People of color have come to be known as “minorities.” To have a minority character as a group or community means to be a minority prior to any election. It signifies that the people so minoritized will “naturally” be outvoted in advance.

It is time to call the existence of whiteness into question

We have spent time examining how the morass and paradox of “race” itself makes it very difficult for a white person to talk about race and racism. At the same time, we have seen that the structure of racialization stands in the way of justice and democracy. If justice and democracy are to be realized in the US, then somehow whiteness and its arrogated hegemonic position will have to be dismantled, and the concepts of justice and democracy de-racialized.

Equality however presents a decided threat to the stability of white racialized identity. We have noted that many feel seriously threatened by the possibility of abandoning it, as their intimate connection with the race they were given. It reveals a fragility in that identity (a concept allied to Robin Diangelo’s, in her book, White Fragility). The idea that the abandonment of whiteness can be considered an existential threat, as well as a questioning of membership in a socio-cultural structure, clearly signifies its original artificiality. That artificiality is what most white-oriented people are loath to admit, though the history is clear as to how it originally emerged. [Cf. Martinot, Rule of Racialization]

That artificiality has appeared often in US history, mostly as a call to allegiance to whiteness (race loyalty). The slaveholder response to the abolitionist movement, the white supremacist call to oppose and attack the Reconstruction governments, the “white citizen” response to desegregation after Brown vs. Board, and the many layered oppositions to affirmative action; all occurred in the name of “protecting” whiteness from policy.

Three central aspects of white culture were revealed in that history and its many calls to white loyalty. First, there was a need for violence against black people in order to disguise white dependence on their existence (discussed in Part 3 of this series). Second, since white racialized identity is imposed on white people by white supremacist society, a second order of internal violence is needed to enforce the white allegiance and regimentation on which violence against people of color relies. It involves social exile, ostracism, and terror.

And third, there is a blindness to the political purpose of that violence. Today, with the violence having been transformed into police brutality, the white racialized demand for allegiance has been shifted to police demands for obedience, which occurs in a myopic distance. And associated with the unending killings by police, there is the silent unacknowledged thought that the on-going killing is the real police response to the massive demand that they stop killing. As a refusal of the government to provide justice for the people who demand it, it is too big to see.

Alternatives to white identity

It would seem that anti-racist whites should have been acting strongly against police profiling as a primary way of being proactive against the structures of racialization. After all, racial profiling is a central mode of racializing people. To stop a person of color on suspicion is already racializing, but as a prelude to demanding obedience which can then be turned into punishment for disobedience, it is a tactic to arrive at violence. The fact that the person is compliant to police commands is immaterial; witness how many black people are beaten or tased after being handcuffed.

To petition police departments to cease their profiling, or to petition City Council to legislate against the policy, rarely stops the practice. It does not take account of the depth of the culture of racialization in which the police involve themselves. The legitimacy of profiling was developed out of the drug war and the opportunity it presented to stop people on suspicion. Through mass incarceration campaigns, and the inducement of crime in the streets that the increase in drug trafficking elicited, the police became the most powerful political organizations in most cities. Now, police political power hangs over people and local government, using its criminalization of people, its proclamation of a “crime problem,” to obstruct attempts to alter local policy on such things as profiling.

Unfortunately, the anti-racist movement continues to reveal a belief in the representationist system of government. People seem to feel they have nowhere else to go for the construction of policy, nor for appeal against government abuses of power. But this too doubles back on the movement. The police now rely on the way the public relies on its representationist political structures for responses to police killings. Despite demonstrator calls upon City Councils to arrest and charge the criminal cops, those Councils have been put in the position of affirming police actions in advance by the police themselves. In acceding to the independence of the police, City Councils end up obstructing rather than facilitating justice. As long as white people lock their opposition into a political non-opposition controlled by the police, George Floyd will get killed over and over again.

In a similar manner, the issue of gun control is enlisted in the process of racialization. When the police allowed the white nationalist who had just killed two demonstrators in Kenosha (protesting Jacob Blake’s killing) to leave and go home, they were not only affirming his act of racialization but were revealing the white supremacist ethic at the core of resistance to gun control. The police refusal to take him into custody implied that, for their racializing project, guns in the hands of white people are proper, necessary, and designed to be put into anti-black practice.

In other words, the Second Amendment debate is only a way to make that political goal look legitimate. The work of guaranteeing white-oriented gun ownership is to establish “mastery” over people of color. In the sense that this “mastery” always promotes itself as self-defense, it is adopting the police and their profiling as its role model, excusing potential brutality in advance as “security.” In that sense, the defeat of gun control has become an integral aspect of re-racializing US culture.

A first step toward social liberation from the culture of racialization would be to dismantle the police and replace it with something that values human life and can be democratically administered at the community level. Can a government agency be created that would not only respect people but guarantees their dignity and autonomy?

Political opposition to the culture of whiteness and its contemporary avatar in police violence must reposition itself on the cultural plane, where abandoning whiteness as such can be put on the table. That is, an alternative to white racialized identity would require operating outside the representationist political structure that the police and the culture of whiteness control. It would mean organizing and orchestrating a transition from whiteness to democracy, and from the structures of racialization to a cooperativist infrastructure.

The focus of white supremacist power has always been its ability to defend itself by opposing universalizing reforms (such as health care for all), and opposing gun control. Both those policies present opportunities to be proactive against the structures of racialization.

Can we speak about the abolition of whiteness?

Many of the white participants in the recent anti-racist uprisings have analyzed the culture of whiteness and white supremacy, and decided it has to be opposed. Even against their own white upbringing, a human repugnance to the anti-democratic nature of white supremacy and its dependence on injustice must lead to that logical conclusion. And that implies that white identity must be ultimately abandoned, so that all racialization can be abolished.

In the meantime, some conclude that, since “racialized whiteness” has no real existence beyond its definition and its expressions in violence, it should be possible to throw it off – or at least, since it was given by white supremacy, to give it back. But how does one give back something that is inherent in one’s culture.

This then raises the specter of futility. Though one can think something “out of existence,” in the mode of self-transformation, it doesn’t always work. One’s whiteness, in particular, will be restored by everyone upon one’s appearance in the street. Self-transformation will only partially change one’s identity. The rest, that aspect imposed by one’s culture, must be dealt with in a different way. And here, we face the practical side of that other problem of the “eye’s inability to see itself seeing.” The identity that one seeks to transform will be in charge of the process of one’s transformation. That is, the social identification that generates social identity, in overseeing one’s attempt to dissolve one’s racialized identity, will actually strengthen itself in doing so.

White racialized identity’s function is to produce racializing behavior, that is, performances that racialize others. Racism is its function. For that reason, an “anti-racist whiteness,” while not a contradiction in terms, is a practice of oxymoronic gestures. We need an additional level of social critique.

Eliminating white supremacy

More and more white people are waking up to their role in racializing the society, and to their (perhaps unwitting) affirmation of its violence and injustices, and they are turning to a different form of social virtue. They now face the need to choose between membership in humanity or membership in whiteness. It is not a choice that is devoid of danger. But there have always been political movements that advocate a form of democracy, and do so by seeking to transcend the oppressions that the structures of racialization impose on all people, though in different ways.

There are three institutional factors that function at the core of the structures of racialization in the US. One is the police, the second is the prison system, and finally, there is the two party system. [Cf. Martinot, The Machinery of Whiteness, p. 118ff] One might project that if these three institutional forms of racialization were eliminated, the power of racism would disappear. But white racialized identity would persist and reconstitute structures of racialization for itself. The ethic of allegiance and the stance of loyalty to a whiteness that exists only by definition would have to be re-humanized.

There is one more institution that underlies those three, and which is actually at the core of white supremacy. It is the fact that race emerges from a settler process. The term “settler” refers to people who degrade the world by transforming land into commodities, and by commodifying the labor “it” (the settler) controls by evicting and displacing people from that land through its commodification (the invention of trespassing). In the Americas, the settler was European. The settler calls this process “conquest,” but its purpose is an objective degradation of the social world. Whiteness and the structures of racialization are the machinery by which the settler accomplishes this. To own land, or rent it, or work on it for someone else, is to have been displaced from it (that is, from “the land,” as distinct from its “deeded land” aspect). The contemporary form this takes is the exclusion of black people from white neighborhoods with the excuse that real estate values will decline. This is not just a minor constitutional issue. It is the economic level on which the culture of whiteness is situated and sustained.

If one believes in justice and equality and democracy (which are inseparable), then one must not only refuse to act white, but dismantle one’s white-orientation, and reconstitute oneself as someone who understands the necessity of being human. Being human means to replace (as the opposite of displace) the alienation, insulation, and paranoia of whiteness with the freedom and autonomy of others (and therefore of oneself). Being human refers to how one sees others, not how one sees oneself. Alienation grows from how one sees oneself separated from people. Insularity names the condition, as a lone subject, of relating across a system of activities to others one sees as things (e.g. the verb “to racialize”). And the paranoia is the fear inherited from the supremacy of whiteness as it defines itself through the repression of those others as things. Against the strictures of racialization, one can escape only by becoming an agent of de-racialization.

Abolition is an important part of our history. It has been evoked against slavery, the prison system, the police, racism, and now race. People are now searching for how to abolish whiteness. It is in service to that project that we have analyzed the structures of racialization, the structure of race as a verb, and the structure of white racialized identity in these articles. The purpose of seeing the aspects of race and white supremacy as social structures which can be defined and described (the three major ones are named above) is to reveal to freedom-oriented consciousness that we can be proactive in opposition to those structures’ existence. We are not confined to “watchful-waiting.”

The post What Does It Mean to Act White? appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

Union-Stürmer Sebastian Andersson wechselt zum 1. FC Köln

rbb|24 ist das multimediale Nachrichtenportal für Berlin und Brandenburg. Nachrichten und Hintergrundberichte zu allen wichtigen Themen aus Politik, Wirtschaft, Kultur, Sport und Panorama.

Was OnlyFans anders macht als Instagram

Bild/Foto

Wenn eine Frau auf Instagram ein Foto ihrer Brüste unzensiert postet, wird ihr Account gesperrt. Auf OnlyFans ist das anders: User zahlen, um nackte Menschen zu sehen. Wie sich OnlyFans und seine User von anderen Plattformen unterscheidet – darum geht’s in dieser Ab 21.

Yma Louisa und die Pornodarstellerin Janina alias Lullu Gun zeigen sich auf OnlyFans nackt, wofür User einen Monatsbeitrag zahlen. Für beide Frauen ist die Plattform eine wichtige Einnahmequelle und gibt ihnen auch ein Stück Selbstbestimmung.

OnlyFans erlaubt Nacktbilder – die meisten sozialen Netzwerke nicht



OnlyFans hat durchaus selbstermächtigendes Potenzial, sagt Madita Oeming, die zu Pornografie und sexpositivem Feminismus forscht. Die finanzielle Unabhängigkeit sei besonders für Personen, die in der Porno-Industrie arbeiten, ein wichtiger Vorteil. Im Podcast erklärt die Wissenschaftlerin, warum die Plattform aus ihrer Perspektive wenig mit Instagram zu tun hat.

Infos zu OnlyFans

  • OnlyFans steht nicht für Nackt-Content, sondern für bezahlte Inhalte. Menschen verkaufen über OnlyFans auch Fitness-Angebote, Kochrezepte, Musik – oder eben erotische Inhalte. Außerdem eifert OnlyFans auf anderen Plattformen mithilfe von Recruitern um Influencer, sodass es mehr Persönlichkeiten gibt, die User zum Beispiel auch von Instagram kennen.
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Ara és el torn d'Alejandro Fernández, del subgrup del PP, al debat de política general al # # elpuntavui.cat/en-temps-real.… elpuntavui.cat/politica/artic…

Die Polizei in Nordrhein-Westfalen wird von einem Skandal erschüttert. Beamte sollen in Chatgruppen rechtsextremistische Hetze gepostet haben. Der Landesinnenminister ist entsetzt. # # # # # #

"Alles wird sich verändern"

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Ihren neuen Kinofilm "Hello Again - Ein Tag für immer" konnten Edin Hasanovic und Alicia von Rittberg letztes Jahr noch Corona-frei fertig drehen. Seitdem ist aber nichts mehr wie es war, die beiden jungen Schauspieler stellen sich auf krasse Veränderungen in der Branche ein. Diese Woche kommt ihr Film in die Kinos. Unter anderem sprechen wir darüber mit den beiden in "Eine Stunde Film".

In der inzwischen üblichen Corona-Distanz interviewt Moderator Tom Westerholt Alicia von Rittberg und Edin Hasanovich. Wie hat sich ihre Arbeit unter Corona-Bedingungen verändert? Ist das schon zur "neuen Normalität" geworden?

Edin hat bereits einschlägig Erfahrung gesammelt, als er in der ersten Hochphase der Pandemie völlig alleine und ohne Publikum den "Deutschen Filmpreis 2020" moderiert hat.

"Hello Again - Ein Tag für immer" - ein Film voller Zitate



Bei den Dreharbeiten zu "Hello Again - Ein Tag für immer" war das noch anders: Ein Film voller Körperkontakt. Wirkt heute fast schon befremdlich. Alicia spielt im Film Zazie, die zur Hochzeit ihres ehemals besten Freundes ihren aktuell besten Kumpel und WG-Mitbewohner Anton (Edin Hasanovic) mitbringt. Ihr Plan: sie will ihren früheren Schwarm vor dessen zukünftiger Frau (Emilia Schüle) warnen.

Alles geht schief, Zazie fällt abends todmüde und sturzbetrunken ins Bett und wacht am nächsten Morgen auf: dem Tag der Hochzeit. Schon wieder. Und ab dann wieder und wieder.

Ein Film, der erkennbar eine Mischung ist aus "Und täglich grüßt das Murmeltier" und "Die Hochzeit meines besten Freundes". Die deutsche Mash-Up-Adaption ist gelungen, denn das Drehbuch ist gut, die Schauspieler machen Spaß, Tempo und Timing stimmen.

"Jean Seberg" mit Kristen Stewart



Anna Wollner hat sich "Jean Seberg" mit Kristen Stewart angeguckt. Jean Seberg (1938-1979) ist bekannt als die 60er Jahre Ikone und Black-Power-Unterstützerin. Anna hat nicht nur den Film für uns gecheckt, sondern auch per Zoom mit Kristen Stewart drüber gesprochen.

Hillary Swank in "Away"


Als neue Serie in dieser Woche gucken wir auf "Away", in der Hillary Swank die US-Commanderin des ersten, bemannten Flugs zum Mars spielt. Fiktiv natürlich aber mit der interessanten, zentralen Frage: Was passiert mit fünf Menschen (außer ihr eine Chinesin, ein Russe, ein Inder und ein Brite), angeblich die Top Astro-Kosmonauten der Welt, wenn sie sich für eine auf drei Jahre angelegte Mission in die gemeinsame Isolation eines Raumschiffs begeben?

Fünf Menschen auf engstem Raum, 20 Millionen Meilen von ihrem zu Hause und ihren Familien entfernt, "gefangen" in einer Rakete, umgeben von der Unendlichkeit des Alls? Herausgekommen ist eine Sci-Fi-Psycho-Drama-Serie.

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Im ersten Release Candidate bietet Microsoft neue Funktionen für Blazor und Entity Framework Core. # # # #

- # - LZHAM + Crunch Now Placed Under The Public Domain
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- # - Rav1e 0.4 Alpha Released With Much Faster Performance For Rust AV1 Encoding
http://www.phoronix.com/scan.php?page=news_item&px=Rav1e-0.4-Alpha-Released -

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Auf Musikfestivals fing es an: Trockentoiletten ohne Wasser und Chemie als nachhaltige Klo-Alternative. Eigentlich sollen die Hinterlassenschaften dieser Tro...

Der Brand im Flüchtlingslager Moria auf Lesbos und seine Folgen beschäftigte den NRW-Landtag: Wie umgehen mit der Not der Flüchtlinge? Was kann und soll NRW tun?

Der Brand im Flüchtlingslager Moria auf Lesbos und seine Folgen beschäftigte den NRW -Landtag: Wie umgehen mit der Not der Flüchtlinge? Was kann und soll NRW tun? # # # # # # #

- # - Gentoo Offers Up New Easy Kernel Options
http://www.phoronix.com/scan.php?page=news_item&px=Gentoo-New-Kernel-Options -

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Es gibt neue Belege dafür, dass sich der Golfstrom abschwächt. Das könnte das Klima stark durcheinander bringen.

Die Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate (VEA), Israel und Bahrain wollen mit einem historischen Abkommen in den USA ihre Beziehungen normalisieren.
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